By Alan Jones and Mary Fanning | May 14, 2020
Gulftainer, the Middle-Eastern ports company managing two strategic U.S. seaports — Florida’s Port Canaveral and Delaware’s Port of Wilmington — is not only connected to Iraq’s WMD programs and Russia’s Trojan Horse Club-K Container Missile Launching System, but also, disturbingly, to Iraq’s Unit 999.
Oklahoma City television reporter Jayna Davis identified ‘John Doe No. 2,’ as Iraqi Republican Guard soldier Hussain al-Hussaini‘ in her book The Third Terrorist.’
Following the April 19, 1995 Oklahoma City terror strike on the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building that killed 168 Americans and wounded 680 others, Davis identified Timothy Mcveigh, Terry Nichols, and Iraqi Unit 999 soldier Hussain al-Hussaini as the principal terrorists responsible for that attack.
Former Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) official Colonel Patrick Lang, working with Davis, concluded that Iraqi Unit 999 recruited Al-Husseini from Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi Republcan Guard.
U.S. intelligence and Pentagon officials concurred with Davis and Colonel Lang’s conclusion that Hussain al-Hussaini, a.k.a. ‘John Doe No. 2,’ was one of Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi Directorate of Military Intelligence (DGMI) Special Operations Group Unit 999 clandestine overseas operatives.
Gulftainer owner Hamid Dhia Jafar’s brother and business partner Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar, Saddam Hussein’s nuclear weapons mastermind, collaborated with DGMI, the Iraqi spy agency that ran Unit 999.
Dr. Jafar and DGMI collaborated on covert operations to conceal Saddam’s and Dr. Jafar’s nuclear, chemical, and biological WMDs.
Russian intelligence services oversaw these WMD deception operations in order to ensure that Saddam’s and Dr. Jafar’s massive WMD military industrial complex was fully concealed and undetectable by U.S. defense and intelligence satellites and UN weapons inspectors .
Both Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar and the Iraqi intelligence service that ran Unit 999 reported directly to Saddam Hussein’s Presidential Secretary Lt. Gen. Abid Hamid Mahmud al-Tikriti, a.k.a. ‘Saddam’s shadow,’ one of the most powerful regime figures within Saddam’s inner circle and another one of Dr. Jafar’s principal Iraqi WMD collaborators.
Dr. Jafar’s connections to DGMI, the Iraqi spy agency that ran Unit 999, are particularly concerning because they establish a connection between the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing and Gulftainer, the Iraqi ports company that built their Port Canaveral container terminal adjacent to U.S. Navy Trident submarines, Canaveral Space Force Station, and NASA’s Kennedy Space Center.
‘John Doe No. 2’: Iraq’s Hussain Al-Hussaini And Unit 999 — Inside The Wire
Jayna Davis, a former television reporter for NBC’s Oklahoma City affiliate KFOR, which doubled as CNN’s local affiliate, was one of the first reporters on the scene of the bombing and told Lou Dobbs during a September 9, 2002 CNN interview:
Several witnesses, 22 in all, have signed sworn witness affidavits and positively identified eight Middle Eastern men acting in collusion with McVeigh and Nichols at various stages of the bombing plot. Those Middle Eastern men, the majority of whom are Iraqi soldiers. One soldier in particular, Lou, is Hussain Al-Hussaini, and he was identified by seven witnesses, tying him to Timothy McVeigh, the Ryder truck, downtown Oklahoma City and the getaway vehicle aggressively pursued by the FBI the morning of the bombing …
Immediately following the Oklahoma City bombing, the FBI issued an All Points Bulletin advising citizens and law enforcement to ‘be on the lookout” for a Middle Eastern-looking suspect. The FBI distributed a sketch of ‘John Doe No. 2.”
In the hours and days following the brutal Oklahoma City attack, military and intelligence analysts arrived at a near-unanimous conclusion — that the Oklahoma City bombing had the fingerprints of a sophisticated Middle Eastern terrorist operation.
Then, the story from the FBI changed.
“The [Oklahoma City] FBI bulletin was quickly and mysteriously withdrawn,” the Wall Street Journal reported. “The original warrant for John Doe No. 2 described a man with “a tattoo on his left arm.”
Davis, working with U.S. Army Colonel Patrick Lang (Ret.), identified Hussain Al-Hussaini as a member of Iraqi Unit 999.
Colonel Lang is the former Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) Director of Human Intelligence and Director of Middle East Analysis.
Davis and Colonel Lang initially connected Al-Hussaini to Saddam’s Republican Guard by studying a tattoo on Al-Hussaini’s left arm that depicts a snake wrapped around an anchor.
The FBI refused to accept Jayna Davis’ 22 sworn affidavits from witnesses who identified Al-Hussaini. The FBI never questioned any of the 22 witnesses nor interviewed Al-Hussaini, yet, the FBI never officially cleared Al-Hussaini.
Al-Hussaini, a former Iraqi soldier detained after the Gulf War in a desert POW camp in Saudi Arabia, entered the United States in 1994 as a self-proclaimed ‘refugee’ seeking asylum from Saddam’s regime.
“In the years following the Gulf War, the U.S. allowed 12,500 Iraqis to enter the U.S., including up to 6,000 ex–prisoners of war,” LA Weekly reported. Rob Frazier, a former U.S. State Department official in Saudi Arabia who dealt with refugees at the camp, including Republican Guard troops, “received many reports … alleging that the camp harbored ‘sleeper agents’ for Saddam Hussein.” “‘Remember, we really couldn’t background a lot of these guys,’” former U.S. Army intelligence officer Frazier said.
Unit 999’s elite espionage and terrorism recruits, carefully selected by the Iraqi intelligence services from Iraq’s Republican Guard and from Middle Eastern countries across the Islamic Bloc, received advanced training to prepare them for overseas bombings, airliner hijackings, and suicide missions.
Saddam’s intelligence services also provided Unit 999 soldiers with advanced training in weapons of mass destruction procurement and concealment operations and in the tactical use of conventional and unconventional weapons, including Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar’s nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons of mass destruction.
The ‘United States Battalion’ of Iraqi Directorate of General of Military Intelligence Unit 999 sent dozens of undercover Iraqi special forces troops and intelligence agents into the United States and Canada, according to intelligence sources. By 2002, Unit 999’s United States Battalion had expanded to over 500 troops.
Unit 999 operative Al-Hussaini’s Oklahoma City co-conspirator Terry Nichols is connected to al-Qaeda terrorist Ramzi Yousef, a.k.a. Rashid, the Iraqi,’ who was convicted of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing.
Terry Nichols travelled repeatedly between the United States and Cebu City, Philippines where Ramzi Yousef was planning and directing terrorist operations. Intelligence revealed that Nichols, a.k.a. ‘The Farmer,’ did not have the technical capability to create the bomb(s) that detonated at the Murrah Building or the funds to repeatedly travel to and from the Philippines.
In his book Others Unknown, Timothy McVeigh’s defense attorney Stephen Jones writes that Nichols met with Ramzi Yousef and that Yousef was “an Iraqi intelligence operative.” Bin Laden was in the Philippines at approximately the same time as Nichols and Yousef, according to Stephen Jones.
Al-Qaeda terrorist Ramzi Yousef, responsible for the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, is the maternal nephew of 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (KSM). KSM was apprehended and convicted as the mastermind of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center twin towers and the Pentagon.
Gulftainer And Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar’s Connections To Unit 999
Rogue Iraqi nuclear physicist Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar spearheaded Saddam Hussein’s secret nuclear weapons and uranium enrichment programs from the early 1970s until 2003.
Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar also oversaw technology transfer and procurement operations for Saddam’s chemical and biological warfare programs, CIA documents show.
Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar and Iraqi Directorate of General Military Intelligence (DGMI), a.k.a. al-Istikhbarat, the Iraqi spy agency that commands Unit 999 operatives, with assistance from Russian intelligence services, concealed Sadaam’s and Dr. Jafar’s nuclear, chemical, and biological warfare facilities, programs, and WMD stockpiles across Iraq’s 168,000 square miles of territory, and often outside of Iraq.
Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar set up and directed Iraq’s Tuwaitha nuclear complex, which Israel bombed in 1981. Undeterred, Dr. Jafar rebuilt Tuwaitha, prompting the U.S. Air Force to attack Dr. Jafar’s Tuwaitha nuclear site during its 1991 Package Q Airstrike, an Operation Desert Storm mission involving 78 U.S. military aircraft, two of which were shot down.
“After the 1981 Israeli raid on Iraq’s Osiraq [Osirak] nuclear research facility [a nuclear WMD facility at Tawaitha that was directed by Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar], [DGMI a.k.a.] al-Istikhbarat [the Iraqi spy agency that commands Unit 999] turned to the Soviet KGB for assistance. From 1982 to 1985, the KGB aided [DGMI a.k.a.] al-Istikhbarat in concealment and protection techniques of its military program and facilities, as well as strategic reconnaissance deception methods,” according to the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey.
The Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey also revealed that:
Al-Amn al-Khas [the Iraqi Special Security Organization — S.S.O.] watched over the activities of [DGMI a.k.a.] al-Istikhbarat [the Iraqi spy agency that commands Unit 999] and the KGB during the Iran-Iraq War. The KGB advised these agencies in techniques of concealing covert weapons production facilities. It served as the central coordinating body between the Military-Industrial Commission [MIC] al-Istikhbarat [DGMI] and al-Mukhabarat, and the military in the covert procurement of the necessary components for Iraq’s WMD. During the 1991 Gulf War, it was put in charge of concealing SCUD missiles and afterwards, of moving and hiding documents from UNSCOM inspections relating to Iraq’s weapons programs. Based on these past activities, it would presumably continue these functions in the future.
Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar received decades of technical assistance from Soviet KGB officers and Russian Federation SVR and GRU intelligence officers, in coordination with Russian Ambassador to Iraq Yevgeny Primakov, a KGB/SVR superspy known as “The Bear in the Desert.”
Yes, Iraq did have weapons of mass destruction.
According to John A. Shaw, former Deputy Undersecretary of Defense for International Technology Security, and Bill Tierney, the former head of the U.N weapons inspection team in Iraq, there were WMD in Iraq.
“I am absolutely sure that Russian Spetsnatz units moved WMD out of Iraq before the war,” stated John Shaw, Newsmax reported.
Former U.N. weapons inspector Bill Tierney explained during a CBN interview about the Saddam Tapes, audio recording of Saddam’s cabinet that Tierney translated for the FBI:
We showed that the Iraqis had no intention of ever complying with the U.N. Security Council Resolutions…
… It [The Saddam Tapes] ended up in my lap. And because I was a UN [weapons] inspector …one of these tapes, it was one briefing after the other, both for unconventional weapons of mass destruction and conventional
…They were still at war with us. It was a real eye opener … they had it [WMD]! …
… I was at CENTCOM for five years and during that time frame there was evidence that the Russians helped the Iraqis on a technical level. Now probably, earlier, they taught them how to conceal.
“The director of DGMI, Staff Lt. Gen. Zuhayr Talib ‘Abd-al-Sattar [Seven of Hearts in the Operation Iraqi Freedom Most Wanted Playing Card Deck], reported directly to the Presidential Secretary” Abid Hamid Mahmud al-Tikriti, according to CIA documents.
Like DGMI’s director who commanded Unit 999, Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar also reported directly to Saddam’s Presidential Secretary Abid Hamid Mahmud al-Tikriti, separate CIA documents confirm.
“Beyond President Saddam’s family circle, the key figures can be counted on one hand … By far the most important is the one with the most menial title – President Saddam’s secretary,” The Guardian reported. “[Presidential Secretary] Mahmoud … is the third or fourth most powerful person in Iraq, according to exiled dissidents.”
Further cementing Dr. Jafar’s ties to Unit 999 is intelligence out of Iraq that revealed that Dr. Jafar operated a massive biological warfare research lab and production line at Salman Pak, the secret Iraqi military base near Baghdad where Iraqi intelligence services trained Unit 999 spies and terrorists.
Iraqi bioweapons scientist Rihab Tata, known as ‘Dr. Germ,’ “rose to run a 150-person bio-weapon operation at the infamous Salman Pak facility, which inspectors once dubbed germ-warfare central,” according to a newswire story posted by UCLA’s Department of Epidemiology.
‘Dr. Germ’ is married to former Deputy Minister of the Military Industrial Commission Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar’s colleague, Amer Mohammad Rashid al-Ubaidi, the second of Saddam’s three former deputy ministers of the Iraqi Military Industrialization Commission.
Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar, Osama bin Laden, Iraqi Unit 999, And Iraqi Chemical WMDs
Intelligence out of the Middle East separately reported that Iraqi Special Operation Group Unit 999 trained al-Qaeda in chemical warfare tactics and that Saddam sold chemical weapons manufactured by Dr. Jafar and Iraqi Lt. Gen. Dr. Amir al-Saadi to Osama bin Laden.
Al-Saadi, like Dr. Jafar, was one of Saddam’s three deputy ministers of military industrialization who served as Saddam’s WMD scientific advisers.
Al-Saadi, Saddam’s ‘chemical weapons expert and ‘Superweapons Czar,’ schemed with Dr. Jafar and Dr. Jafar’s brother, Gulftainer owner Hamid Dhia Jafar, in a plot known as ‘Oil-For-Superweapons’ to finance Saddam’s and Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar’s nuclear, chemical, and biological warfare programs.
The Oil-For-Superweapons scheme led to multiple U.S. government investigations, including three Congressional committee investigations and a U.S. Treasury Department investigation.
In his New Yorker Magazine article “The Unknown: The C.I.A. and the Pentagon take another look at Al Qaeda and Iraq,” Jeffrey Goldberg reported:
In interviews with senior officials, the following picture emerged: American intelligence believes that Al Qaeda and Saddam reached a non-aggression agreement in 1993, and that the relationship deepened further in the mid-nineteen-nineties, when an Al Qaeda operative—a native-born Iraqi who goes by the name Abu Abdullah al-Iraqi—was dispatched by bin Laden to ask the Iraqis for help in poison-gas training. Al-Iraqi’s mission was successful, and an unknown number of trainers from an Iraqi secret-police organization called Unit 999 were dispatched to camps in Afghanistan to instruct Al Qaeda terrorists…
…According to several intelligence officials I spoke to, the relationship between bin Laden and Saddam’s regime was brokered in the early nineteen-nineties by the then de-facto leader of Sudan.
U.S. officials accused Iraqi WMD scientist Emad Husayn Abdullah al-Ani “of being involved with a Sudanese chemical [weapons] plant linked to Osama bin Laden,” according to the Sydney Morning Herald. Sample tests from that plant indicated a “smoking gun” for VX nerve gas, CNN reported.
Al-Ani, Hamid Dhia Jafar’s ‘Oil-For-Superweapons’ co-conspirator Lt. Gen. Dr. Amir al-Saadi, and Barack Obama’s Iraqi billionaire patron Nadhmi Auchi, were named as co-conspirators in MM Law’s 2018 human rights lawsuit filed in an Iraqi court on behalf of survivors of the 1988 Halabja chemical weapons genocide during which Saddam “gassed his own people.
The Obama administration, in a secret operation code-named ‘Project Pelican,’ brought Gulftainer inside the wire in 2014 when it awarded Gulftainer with a 35-year lease to the cargo container terminal at Florida’s Port Canaveral, stealthily bypassing the required National Security Threat Analysis and CFIUS review. Gulftainer went on to take over Delaware’s entire Port of Wilmington in a 50-year deal — without a CFIUS National Security Threat Analysis.
Gulftainer executive Badr Jafar, the son of Hamid Dhia Jafar and nephew of Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar, visited the Obama White House on March 27, 2014, less than three months before Gulftainer and Port Canaveral simultaneously announced and signed the secretly-negotiated ‘Project Pelican” deal.
Lethal Threat: Iraq’s WMD, Gulftainer, Russia, And Club-K
A paradigmatic example of the application of Sun Tzu’s principle of deception in warfare is the Russian-designed WMD delivery system the Club-K (Klub-K). The Club-K appears to be a standard intermodal cargo container, though it delivers devastating weapons of mass destruction far beyond anything seen at Pearl Harbor or on 9/11.
Gulftainer entered into a joint-venture with ROSTEC / ROSOBORONEXPORT, the Russian state-owned weapons enterprise that exports the Club-K Container Missile System.
The network of Gulftainer’s connections to Russia’s Club-K, Iraq’s elite Unit 999 espionage and terrorism squads — exacerbated by Unit 999’s disturbing connections to the Oklahoma City bombing and al-Qaeda’s war planners Osama bin Laden, Ramzi Yousef, and Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, should register as even more alarming than the pre-9/11 chatter and blinking red lights.
Russia’s Trojan Horse Club-K Container Missile System can launch cruise missiles capable of travelling at supersonic speeds and evading U.S. missile defense systems.
U.S. missile defense systems look outward toward the Polar region and East, and West Coasts, but are not designed to detect cruise missiles launched from the interior of the United States.
A Club-K surprise attack could launch conventional, nuclear, EMP, chemical, and biological weapons from cargo containers positioned inside the United States and strike U.S. cities and U.S. military bases within minutes, or seconds, with no advance warning.
The effects of an EMP attack launched against the United States from Club-K ‘containers’ would be devastating. Destruction of the national power grid would severely degrade military readiness and rapidly lead to civil unrest and mass starvation.
“An EMP weapon is a civilization killer,” Dr. Peter Vincent Pry, a former CIA officer and Executive Director of the Task Force on National and Homeland Security, told The American Report.
Saddam and the inner circle of his cabinet of which Dr. Jafar was a senior member, could be heard on the ‘Saddam Tapes,’ musing about a ‘terrorist,’ that could not be traced back to Baghdad, placing and detonating a chemical, biological, or nuclear weapon in Washington D.C.
That is exactly the type of mission for which the Iraqi DGMI Special Operations Group Unit 999 trained.
It remains unclear if current U.S. national security officials are aware of the connection between Gulftainer and Unit 999, the Iraqi special operation group that former senior intelligence and Pentagon officials suspected of being at the operational center of the Oklahoma City bombing plot — or if stay-behind Unit 999 sleeper cells remain inside the United States.
Coalition Provisional Authority Administrator Paul Bremmer ordered the Iraqi Directorate General of Military Intelligence (DGMI) be dissolved in 2003.
However, former Iraqi Directorate of Military Intelligence (DGMI) Lt. Col. Abu Muslim al Turkmani went on to become second-in-command to Islamic State Caliph Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi and oversaw the caliphate’s Iraqi territory before he was killed in a U.S. drone strike, raising questions about how much of the DGMI’s secretive command structure remains intact .
Gulftainer and its affiliates exhibit many hallmarks of an Iraqi dual-use enterprise similar to Iraqi front companies that operated throughout Iraq’s WMD-industrial complex — companies capable of, on a dime, transitioning from legitimate commercial activity, to covert prohibited WMD activity, and back again to commercial activity.
Gulftainer may have already gone operational.
Gulftainer blockaded Wawa fuel tanker trucks transiting through the Port of Wilmington in April 2020, effectively cutting off fuel supplies to five northeastern states amid the Chinese Coronavirus pandemic.
In the next 9/11, hijacked aircraft could be replaced with dozens, hundreds, or thousands of Russian Club-K Container Missile Launching Systems.
COPYRIGHT 2020 MARY FANNING AND ALAN JONES